Book 1; 1335 to 1341 - The Silent Decade, Part 2
"Even as a semblance of peace held for the Empire, around it the same could not be said," - Alexandros Komnenos, Resurgent Palaiologoi, Chapter 6 of 10, 'The Silent Decade'.

1335 - 1336

One might have thought 1335 would be a quiet year, and in 9/10ths you'd be rather accurate; all it had seen, as far as the Romans were concerned, was Andronikos III naming (in March) his closest friend and advisor, the scholar-warrior John Kantakouzenos, to the position of Chartophylax (Guardian of the Archives) of the still-rebuilding Bibliothēkē (Library of Constantinople).

The Emperor, who was by now far too used to Kantakouzenos' refusal of offers of greater political power, figured his closest friend would find this offer particularly tantalising, and in that he wasn't wrong. John had already been digging through the rebuilding ruins of the Queen of Cities in those moments he had to himself in order to scrounge up whatever knowledge had survived; hidden by priests, and librarians, during the 1204 Sack; having the goal of refilling the Bibliothēkē as much as he could.

This new duty simply made it more official, even if John himself still spent most of his time running the day-to-day administration of the Empire for Andronikos [1].

It was also in this year that much of the lands of what one might call the Archduchy of Austria (although not in existence yet) would be unified for a time under the Habsburgs at the behest of their friend, turned enemy, turned friend again, Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor. This would be the first, in a line, of unifications, splits, and unifications, until the realm would be unified fully in later years.

To this, of course, the First Congress of Visegrád would be called--opposing the threat the Habsburgs posed due to their sudden expansions; with Casimir III of Poland, John I of Bohemia, and of course, Charles I of Hungary-Croatia, being the participants. It was within this Congress that it was decided to reroute trade from the Habsburg Domains; around, to starve them of material and incomes and in turn bring easier flow of goods from merchants in wider Europe. Also here was the already de-facto rule of the Bohemians over Silesia confirmed de-jure by Casimir III; all three monarchs departing on good terms.

This moving of trade, particularly in Hungary-Croatia, would in turn eventually come to flow through Moldovia (of which Wallachia ruled part), into Wallachia, and then through the Bulgarian lands into those of the Romans; strengthening the routes already established in August of 1332 between the three.

Now--quiet, that was coming to an end around the Romans.

In the last days of 1335, December, the last legitimate Khan of the Ilkhanate would die, as disease ravaged his realm, and those surrounding. What followed, quite expectedly, was the implosion of the Ilkhanate, as various realms burst forth none more clearly than the Kingdom of Georgia, which freed itself from the Mongol yoke with force in battle; bringing a potent Orthodox Realm to the fore once more.

Its King, George V, would in time make more firm contact with its former allies in Trebizond, even as disease began to spread west out of the ruins of the Ilkhanate. Andronikos III of Trebizond, ally of the Romans, would die from a small, early, outbreak of what would later be known as the Black Death, leaving his 8-year-old son, Manuel II of Trebizond, as the new Emperor and Autocrat of all the East, the Iberians and of Perateia [2].

Manuel II would not last long; murdered by his uncle Basil Megas Komnenos [3] who took the throne of Trebizond, establishing firmer contacts with Georgia, and redeclaring his favour for the Romans, as his elder brother had done before him.

Andronikos III, of the Romans, and George V of Georgia, were both appalled by what Basil had done, but even as they established their own links of trade and friendship the two yielded to pragmatism.

As if by divine punishment Trebizond would be raided by the Turks in mid-1336, and Andronikos himself--far enough away to not be stung by it, as George V was, was able to find the irony in it.

1337 - 1339

Confiscating (in May) Gascony from the hands of Edward III, King of England, Philip VI of France would begin a months-long feud and debate between himself, his vassals, and those of England (although England herself, technically a vassal of France in terms of certain territories, refused to be referred to as such). This would come to blows, and war, in October, as Edward III declared himself rightful King of France, in defence of his rights, and through his cognatic lineage [4].

Thus began the 100 Years War.

Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor, would declare the following year Edward III, seen as the height of chivalric manner, to be Vicar-General of the Empire; parsing out with Edward the Treaty of Koblenz, wherein his Kingship over France was endorsed by the Wittelsbach Emperor. Of course, in response, Philip would lead a siege of Guyenne in Edward's Aquitanian lands, and unleash his navy against English ports.

Although, in more distant news, Andronikos' estranged Latinophile uncle--the Marquis of Montferrat, Teodore Paleologo-Montferrato [5], would pass away; leaving his lands to his son Giovanni.

Later, in 1339, the Second Congress of Visegrád would be called by Casimir III of Poland in his worry for his succession [6], making clear the purpose of establishing a new line of succession, which would be decided in favour of Charles I of Hungary-Croatia, and those of his line.

1340 - 1341

Arriving in Flanders in January, Edward III would officially proclaim himself King of France in France-proper; rallying the Flemish to his banner, and leading forces alongside his son, Edward the Black Prince, into France in a campaign that would last months; clashing multiple times against the forces of Philip VI, but not making much headway.

Such stalled progress pushed Edward III, relying on his new Flemish allies, to instead undertake a brilliant naval campaign (likely in revenge for Philip's earlier coastal raids); crushing the French fleet in person (having left the Black Prince behind in his stead) in the Battle of Sluys, wherein the noble French admirals, Hugues Quiéret and Nicolas Béhuchet, would be killed. Edward, injured, still made a show of burning the remaining wrecked French ships thereafter.

Buoyed by this, and expecting further victories, the English and her allies would be resoundingly crushed at the Battle of Saint-Omer by a French force less than a 6th their size; causing squabbling amongst Edward, his lieutenants, and allies that in turn doomed the following Siege of Tournai.

Irritated by this, the English Parliament would withhold the funds vital to the war; forcing Edward to, through Pope Benedict XII, enact a hasty 9-month truce at Espléchin--set to end in mid-1341.

Of course, though, the truce would not last, as less than 4 months into the treaty Edward would be drawn into meddling with the ongoing Breton succession crisis, forcing Philip to respond in turn--to which Edward declared the treaty null at 'Philip's aggression'; leading his rejuvenated forces into Brittany in what would become yet another front of the Hundred Years War.

In the east though, it is of note that the 10 Year Peace of Andronikos and Orhan had ended roughly a year prior.

---
[1] While Andronikos III had gradually taken on more administrative duties, the truth was that the majority of the important day-to-day decisions were still made in his name (with his permission) by John. This would become even more pronounced, as during the Silent Decade, where Andronikos' realm was largely at peace and thus not a place he could fight for or in, the Emperor instead focused on his family.

[2] Of course, the Megas Komnenoi had to show their Imperial Pedigree was superior to that of the 'usurpers' in Constantinople, at least in the founding of their own Empire. By this time it has simply become the title of use, not a declaration.

[3] Historians theorise that Basil's brutal killing of his nephew (rather than the usual blinding, and exile), and usurpation of the throne, was a long-boiling vengeance over his eldest brother, Andronikos III of Trebizond, murdering their two younger brothers upon taking the throne. Basil only escaped this because he himself was in Constantinople on diplomatic business at the time.

[4] Edward III had originally, as it seemed, been fine with Philip VI's ascent to French Kingship over himself (due to French Salic law technically disallowing him). However, Philip's choices in antagonising Edward III eventually led the English King to declare his claim for the French throne, starting what would become the 100 Years War.

[5] Teodore Paleologo-Montferrato, born Theodore Palaiologos, was one of the later sons of Andronikos II Palaiologos with his second wife, Eirene Aleramici (born Yolande of Montferrat). Andronikos II had married her in order to inherit her claims to the Kingdom of Thessaloniki in a bid to deter Latin claims or attempts on the land. With her also came the Aleramici claims/rule over the lands of the Marquisate of Montferrat. When she died, and those claims were passed to her children with Andronikos, the Emperor chose Theodore as the one to inherit. The nobles of the Empire worried Theodore would Latinise, and abandon his Roman identity--which turned out to be accurate; the new Marquis embracing the Papacy and raising his children in the Lombardic manner of North Italy.

The Palaiologi of Montferrat, or the Paleologo-Montferrato, being a cadet branch of the mainline Palaiologi headed by Andronikos III, are considered unimportant, and Andronikos III himself never had a relationship with his uncle, as Teodore left to rule Montferrat at 16 when Andronikos was only 9. Andronikos hasn't really thought about his distant, Latinised, kin.

[6] Casimir III possessed only daughters despite several marriages, and would die without a male heir in 1370; putting Poland under a Personal Union alongside Croatia with Hungary.
 
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Great chapter, interesting to see how events look throughout Europe not wholly dealing with the Roman Empire. It would be funny if a random Imperial Prince of the Romans somehow got involved with the Hundred Years War 🤣🤣🤣. How will the Palaiologoi deal with the rising Habsburg family? Will the House of Austria sink their claws in by way of marriage like they usually do? Poland/Bohemia/Hungary intrigues me, either great friends or enemies within the future. Keep up the great work 👍👍👍👍
 
Great chapter, interesting to see how events look throughout Europe not wholly dealing with the Roman Empire. It would be funny if a random Imperial Prince of the Romans somehow got involved with the Hundred Years War 🤣🤣🤣. How will the Palaiologoi deal with the rising Habsburg family? Will the House of Austria sink their claws in by way of marriage like they usually do? Poland/Bohemia/Hungary intrigues me, either great friends or enemies within the future. Keep up the great work 👍👍👍👍
Could do, who knows, considering how big an Imperial Family can get. A personal favourite figure of mine in this era is the Black Prince, and I don't think it's much of a spoiler in this case to say he might play a bigger role than he did OTL.

As for the rising Habsburgs? As a fan of the Habsurgs I can openly say they'll definitely play a pretty big role in the TL; whether that's by marriage, alliance, or rivalry? Who can say.

Poland/Bohemia/Hungary is definitely something to note, as this is the era wherein Poland falls under the Personal Union of Hungary and Croatia, creating a pretty potent polity that was only broken when their shared King died at Varna--an event that wouldn't happen considering the fact that the Turks are never setting permanent foot in the Balkans. It'll be interesting, I'm sure, to see how that pans out.

Thanks for reading and I'm glad you enjoyed it!
 
A personal favourite figure of mine in this era is the Black Prince, and I don't think it's much of a spoiler in this case to say he might play a bigger role than he did OTL.
It would be nice if Edward the Black Prince somehow interacted with the Romans, he was regarded as the most chivalric person of his age (just don't tell the French that 🤣🤣🤣). Maybe change things by having the Black Prince's eldest son, Edward of Angouleme (older brother of OTL Richard II), survive his illness? We get a Black Crusade (obvious Warhammer 40k reference) lead by Edward of Woodstock, smashing the Turks in battle.
 
It would be nice if Edward the Black Prince somehow interacted with the Romans, he was regarded as the most chivalric person of his age (just don't tell the French that 🤣🤣🤣). Maybe change things by having the Black Prince's eldest son, Edward of Angouleme (older brother of OTL Richard II), survive his illness? We get a Black Crusade (obvious Warhammer 40k reference) lead by Edward of Woodstock, smashing the Turks in battle.
You're closer to the track I intended than is fair 🤣
 
"Even as a semblance of peace held for the Empire, around it the same could not be said," - Alexandros Komnenos, Resurgent Palaiologoi, Chapter 6 of 10, 'The Tranquil Decade'.

1335 - 1336

One might have thought 1335 would be a quiet year, and in 9/10ths you'd be rather accurate; all it had seen, as far as the Romans were concerned, was Andronikos III naming (in March) his closest friend and advisor, the scholar-warrior John Kantakouzenos, to the position of Chartophylax (Guardian of the Archives) of the still-rebuilding Bibliothēkē (Library of Constantinople).

The Emperor, who was by now far too used to Kantakouzenos' refusal of offers of greater political power, figured his closest friend would find this offer particularly tantalising, and in that he wasn't wrong. John had already been digging through the rebuilding ruins of the Queen of Cities in those moments he had to himself in order to scrounge up whatever knowledge had survived; hidden by priests, and librarians, during the 1204 Sack; having the goal of refilling the Bibliothēkē as much as he could.

This new duty simply made it more official, even if John himself still spent most of his time running the day-to-day administration of the Empire for Andronikos [1].

It was also in this year that much of the lands of what one might call the Archduchy of Austria (although not in existence yet) would be unified for a time under the Habsburgs at the behest of their friend, turned enemy, turned friend again, Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor. This would be the first, in a line, of unifications, splits, and unifications, until the realm would be unified fully in later years.

To this, of course, the First Congress of Visegrád would be called--opposing the threat the Habsburgs posed due to their sudden expansions; with Casimir III of Poland, John I of Bohemia, and of course, Charles I of Hungary-Croatia, being the participants. It was within this Congress that it was decided to reroute trade from the Habsburg Domains; around, to starve them of material and incomes and in turn bring easier flow of goods from merchants in wider Europe. Also here was the already de-facto rule of the Bohemians over Silesia confirmed de-jure by Casimir III; all three monarchs departing on good terms.

This moving of trade, particularly in Hungary-Croatia, would in turn eventually come to flow through Moldovia (of which Wallachia ruled part), into Wallachia, and then through the Bulgarian lands into those of the Romans; strengthening the routes already established in August of 1332 between the three.

Now--quiet, that was coming to an end around the Romans.

In the last days of 1335, December, the last legitimate Khan of the Ilkhanate would die, as disease ravaged his realm, and those surrounding. What followed, quite expectedly, was the implosion of the Ilkhanate, as various realms burst forth none more clearly than the Kingdom of Georgia, which freed itself from the Mongol yoke with force in battle; bringing a potent Orthodox Realm to the fore once more.

Its King, George V, would in time make more firm contact with its former allies in Trebizond, even as disease began to spread west out of the ruins of the Ilkhanate. Andronikos III of Trebizond, ally of the Romans, would die from a small, early, outbreak of what would later be known as the Black Death, leaving his 8-year-old son, Manuel II of Trebizond, as the new Emperor and Autocrat of all the East, the Iberians and of Perateia [2].

Manuel II would not last long; murdered by his uncle Basil Megas Komnenos [3] who took the throne of Trebizond, establishing firmer contacts with Georgia, and redeclaring his favour for the Romans, as his elder brother had done before him.

Andronikos III, of the Romans, and George V of Georgia, were both appalled by what Basil had done, but even as they established their own links of trade and friendship the two yielded to pragmatism.

As if by divine punishment Trebizond would be raided by the Turks in mid-1336, and Andronikos himself--far enough away to not be stung by it, as George V was, was able to find the irony in it.

1337 - 1339

Confiscating (in May) Gascony from the hands of Edward III, King of England, Philip VI of France would begin a months-long feud and debate between himself, his vassals, and those of England (although England herself, technically a vassal of France in terms of certain territories, refused to be referred to as such). This would come to blows, and war, in October, as Edward III declared himself rightful King of France, in defence of his rights, and through his cognatic lineage [4].

Thus began the 100 Years War.

Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor, would declare the following year Edward III, seen as the height of chivalric manner, to be Vicar-General of the Empire; parsing out with Edward the Treaty of Koblenz, wherein his Kingship over France was endorsed by the Wittelsbach Emperor. Of course, in response, Philip would lead a siege of Guyenne in Edward's Aquitanian lands, and unleash his navy against English ports.

Although, in more distant news, Andronikos' estranged Latinophile uncle--the Marquis of Montferrat, Teodore Paleologo-Montferrato [5], would pass away; leaving his lands to his son Giovanni.

Later, in 1339, the Second Congress of Visegrád would be called by Casimir III of Poland in his worry for his succession [6], making clear the purpose of establishing a new line of succession, which would be decided in favour of Charles I of Hungary-Croatia, and those of his line.

1340 - 1341

Arriving in Flanders in January, Edward III would officially proclaim himself King of France in France-proper; rallying the Flemish to his banner, and leading forces alongside his son, Edward the Black Prince, into France in a campaign that would last months; clashing multiple times against the forces of Philip VI, but not making much headway.

Such stalled progress pushed Edward III, relying on his new Flemish allies, to instead undertake a brilliant naval campaign (likely in revenge for Philip's earlier coastal raids); crushing the French fleet in person (having left the Black Prince behind in his stead) in the Battle of Sluys, wherein the noble French admirals, Hugues Quiéret and Nicolas Béhuchet, would be killed. Edward, injured, still made a show of burning the remaining wrecked French ships thereafter.

Buoyed by this, and expecting further victories, the English and her allies would be resoundingly crushed at the Battle of Saint-Omer by a French force less than a 6th their size; causing squabbling amongst Edward, his lieutenants, and allies that in turn doomed the following Siege of Tournai.

Irritated by this, the English Parliament would withhold the funds vital to the war; forcing Edward to, through Pope Benedict XII, enact a hasty 9-month truce at Espléchin--set to end in mid-1341.

Of course, though, the truce would not last, as less than 4 months into the treaty Edward would be drawn into meddling with the ongoing Breton succession crisis, forcing Philip to respond in turn--to which Edward declared the treaty null at 'Philip's aggression'; leading his rejuvenated forces into Brittany in what would become yet another front of the Hundred Years War.

In the east though, it is of note that the 10 Year Peace of Andronikos and Orhan had ended roughly a year prior.

---
[1] While Andronikos III had gradually taken on more administrative duties, the truth was that the majority of the important day-to-day decisions were still made in his name (with his permission) by John. This would become even more pronounced, as during the Silent Decade, where Andronikos' realm was largely at peace and thus not a place he could fight for or in, the Emperor instead focused on his family.

[2] Of course, the Megas Komnenoi had to show their Imperial Pedigree was superior to that of the 'usurpers' in Constantinople, at least in the founding of their own Empire. By this time it has simply become the title of use, not a declaration.

[3] Historians theorise that Basil's brutal killing of his nephew (rather than the usual blinding, and exile), and usurpation of the throne, was a long-boiling vengeance over his eldest brother, Andronikos III of Trebizond, murdering their two younger brothers upon taking the throne. Basil only escaped this because he himself was in Constantinople on diplomatic business at the time.

[4] Edward III had originally, as it seemed, been fine with Philip VI's ascent to French Kingship over himself (due to French Salic law technically disallowing him). However, Philip's choices in antagonising Edward III eventually led the English King to declare his claim for the French throne, starting what would become the 100 Years War.

[5] Teodore Paleologo-Montferrato, born Theodore Palaiologos, was one of the later sons of Andronikos II Palaiologos with his second wife, Eirene Aleramici (born Yolande of Montferrat). Andronikos II had married her in order to inherit her claims to the Kingdom of Thessaloniki in a bid to deter Latin claims or attempts on the land. With her also came the Aleramici claims/rule over the lands of the Marquisate of Montferrat. When she died, and those claims were passed to her children with Andronikos, the Emperor chose Theodore as the one to inherit. The nobles of the Empire worried Theodore would Latinise, and abandon his Roman identity--which turned out to be accurate; the new Marquis embracing the Papacy and raising his children in the Lombardic manner of North Italy.

The Palaiologi of Montferrat, or the Paleologo-Montferrato, being a cadet branch of the mainline Palaiologi headed by Andronikos III, are considered unimportant, and Andronikos III himself never had a relationship with his uncle, as Teodore left to rule Montferrat at 16 when Andronikos was only 9. Andronikos hasn't really thought about his distant, Latinised, kin.

[6] Casimir III possessed only daughters despite several marriages, and would die without a male heir in 1370; putting Poland under a Personal Union alongside Croatia with Hungary.
Amazing work! Hope that England has better luck
 
Book 1; 1342 to 1345 - Cometh Hell
"And I looked, and behold, a pale horse! And its rider’s name was Death," - Revelation 6:8.

1342
The year started much as the last few seemed to within the Empire; with cheers, and merriment alongside the various precessions of the Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans and his retinue. More, and more, of the Queen of Cities was being brought back to life, and today was the day of the Bibliothēkē; the Imperial Library of Constantinople, finally completed after roughly a decade of rebuilding.

Amongst the Emperor's retinue was of course his family; flanked on either side by his wife, Anna, and his closest friend and advisor John Kantakouzenos. Between them stepped the now-11-year-old heir, John Palaiologos, alongside his younger sister Maria, and his betrothed bride Helene Kantakouzenos, daughter of his namesake.

In his capacity as Chartophylax, it would be Kantakouzenos who opened the Library, at the will of the Emperor, who in turn handed him the first work to be interred within; the Apó to Dóry kai to Styló (By the Spear and Pen), a work the Emperor himself had compiled as a military treatise of centuries of doctrine tempered by his own decades of experience; immortalising Andronikos as more than simply a warrior-Emperor. Alongside it would be placed various recovered or copied works, and with this done the ceremony would bloom into a speech given by Andronikos.

Always a military man first, and foremost, Andronikos spoke with a measured but calming manner; giving praise to God, and the Virgin, even as he too praised the resilience all present had as Romans. All said it ended with words that, like his treatise, immortalise him; Medeís noeíto emás svennýsthai--Let none think us extinguished.

Of course, it had been Kantakouzenos who had parsed out the bulk of this, as it was he who was the great intellectual and driver of their generation, not Andronikos the warrior--but even if Andronikos had wanted to, he hadn't the time; investing more and more into his growing son--because as close as he was to his wife, her influences on their son, and his heir, brought him worry [1].

Still, as these celebrations held, the lands of the Empire were not truly at peace; raids had begun again from across Anatolia, as warriors poured into the peninsula from the collapsing Ilkhanate and her break-away successor states; giving as much trouble to the Ottomans, and other surviving Turkish Beyliks as they did to the Romans. In response to this, and after much convincing, Kantakouzenos would manage to talk Andronikos into signing a treaty with his own long-time friend Umur Bey of Aydin [2]; sealing such an alliance by marrying his own eldest daughter Theodora to Umur's only son Khader.

Of course, it hadn't been that simple; Umur was a powerful Bey from a growing polity of his own hard-won making yes, but he had also been a vector from which many ghazi and akin had come in the hopes of advancing the Crescent through Jihad--instead, they now served a man who bore an alliance, and a daughter-in-law, with the hated Infidels. No, that wouldn't do for them, and Umur lost many skilled men and ships for his trouble to the Beys of Teke, who used their newfound increase in power to fill in the void left in the area's piracy after the short-lived Holy League, and the withdrawal of Aydin.

Even still, Rome's neighbours were also changing; Sicily being left to the auspices of an infant King, Louis the Child, in August of 1342, and Guy de Lusingnan of Cyprus ascending to the throne of Cilicia as Constantine II. Such events, especially that of Louis the Child's ascent, drew the eyes of the Romans, as Louis himself bore the title of 'Duke of Athens' like his predecessors, and without Sicily providing aid to the Latins of Athens it was put forward, especially by Alexios Apokaukos and Sfyrios of Thessaly, that the Empire should take the moment offered and reclaim the ancient city.

Kantakouzenos had quite firmly cut those ideas off though, and Andronikos had agreed, as the increased Latin activity in the region might see their efforts trigger a response.

1343
In January 1343 Pope Clement VI, successor of Benedict XII and a politicking Avignon Pope, would issue his bull Unigenitus; giving concessions to Rome (to soothe over hurt egos, including that of Petrarch, at his refusal to return there from Avignon) by altering the Jubilee to 50, rather than 100 years, and giving definition to the doctrine of the Treasury of the Church. The latter would, through this, act as the basis for what would become the indulgences issued by the Catholic Church [3].

Come August of 1343 the Holy League would be reformed under the aegis of Clement VI; the Pope keen to avoid the mistakes of his predecessor in keeping his beloved France out of the League, and thus not liable to see issues erupt on that front. Within once more were Venice, the Hospitallers, and Cyprus; each under threat, and angry, at the continued attacks by the Turks so soon after their last chastisement. In this, Clement would call the Antalyiote Crusades against Teke, with all that entailed.

Not all worries came from the east, or the west, for the Romans though, as news of Stefan Dusan, now the new King of Serbia, making moves in the Balkans once more drew worried eyes; worried eyes that would widen upon his lightning conquests of the lands of Albania; integrating the realm into his domains, and then defeating a pre-emptive force sent by Charles I of Hungary-Croatia.

A stir would arise in Constantinople thereafter; one which spread to her Balkan Governorships, as men and fortifications were prepared for war... only nothing came, yet; Andronikos could be thankful that Charles was the type to refuse to back away; turning a squabble over Albania into a war over the lands of Bosnia between the two polities.

Come the end of the year Tsunamis would crash across the southwestern coastline of Italy at the behest of an earthquake, devastating, amongst others, the Maritime Republic of Amalfi. Genoa, seeing opportunity under its new Doge Giovanni di Murta [4], would risk overextending; moving to rebuild by making moves to more firmly control its Black Sea domains under the allowed treaties it had with the Romans; inadvertently ruffling the feathers of the Golden Horde and seeing it's trade city of Caffa would be put under siege in sudden and brutal fashion.

1344 - 1345

Early in 1344, Edward III would, during a return to England, make moves to introduce several monetary reforms; only to be forced to have them redone due to corruption in the minting process of several of his new coins. Most of his new coinage would have to be recalled and reminted before he was able to release them once more.

In the mid-year, the Beylik of Teke would finally be brought to battle along the coastlines of southern Anatolia and its empowered navy crushed by the Holy League. Buoyed by this, the Crusaders took to land and laid siege to the city of Limyra; occupying it three months later, and thereafter turning it into a Latin possession for what would be the next 60, or so, years.

Of course, when hearing the news of this, the Court of Constantinople was far from pleased, although it is said that Kantakouzenos was quite pleased with his earlier assessment having proven correct; the Latins were increasing their activity yet more, and the Romans did not like it.

From August, all the way to December 1345 the English would lead campaigns across Gascony; gaining victory at Bergerac and Auberoche, before the Black Prince led the van in taking La Reole, and then Aiguillon by year-end.

By now the Siege of Caffa had gone on for 2 years, and Jani Beg himself, Khan of the Golden Horde would arrive to put an end to it. Yet, he hadn't counted on what he'd brought with him, and when his men began to die in their tents, screaming in agony, or passing into comas, the Khan decided on one simple use for them... and flung their black and disfigured bodies into the Caffa by trebuchet.

And with the black rain came Hell.

---
[1] John V Palaiologos grew up, at first, mainly under the auspices of his mother Anna of Savoy; his father too busy on campaign as warrior, and at home as Emperor, to be too involved. Her influences had left a decidedly 'Latin' bend to his mind, and personality; something Andronikos would come to worry about upon noticing it in the various tastes and manners his son possessed during the Silent Decade. Even with his father's counter-influence, John would grow up to be what one might consider Manuel-like in personality, although with a clearer head; choosing to lean into what he viewed as European influences to counterbalance the growing Turkification that he viewed as infecting the Empire as time passed.

These influences would greatly change the Empire, and by the end of his reign one might compare it more to Plantagenet England, or France (if one was boldly stupid enough) than to, say, Georgia in terms of governance. Such things were no-more obvious than John's passing of the Chrysobull of 1363; creating the title of Prince of Hellas, and more-such-besides that fall out of scope.

[2] While historians aren't entirely sure how John Kantakouzenos and Umur Bey grew to become friends, and how they stayed friends for so long, recovered letters and the general histories of the time clearly paint a picture of a close friendship. Had Kantakouzenos asked, Umur would have happily conquered Constantinople for him; their bond quite that deep despite their, at the time, differences in faith.

[3] This Golden Bull, almost 174 years to the day, would eventually see Johann Matthias nail his 77 Theses to the doors of St. George's Church in Eisenach; starting the Reunion Movement that in time would dominate Europe.

[4] Giovanni's predecessor Simone Boccanegra, who had in fact been the first Doge of Genoa, had been deposed and forced to retire in the anarchy caused by his failures against the Romans; leaving for Giovanni a polity teetering on oligarch v aristocrat conflict.
 
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Great chapter, seems the Black Death is gonna start hitting the Empire soon. I'm a bit worried about Stefan Dusan, he seems the energetic individual with his wars against the Hungarians, hopefully the Romans can deal with him if he turns his sights towards Constantinople.
These influences would greatly change the Empire, and by the end of his reign one might compare it more to Plantagenet England
This intrigues me with your note about how things are during the end of TTL's John V's reign. Will he become an Emperor largely well liked by his European neighbors? Possibly control (have great influence) land through marriage alliances with his children? Hopefully the Palaiologoi don't face an end similar to OTL Plantagenets.

Keep up the good work 👍👍👍
 
Random thought, but imagine all the movies the British/English are going to make TTL with the Roman Empire still around 🤣🤣🤣. Just think of OTL famous actors being involved in movies handling the Crusades filmed on location.
 
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Great chapter, seems the Black Death is gonna start hitting the Empire soon. I'm a bit worried about Stefan Dusan, he seems the energetic individual with his wars against the Hungarians, hopefully the Romans can deal with him if he turns his sights towards Constantinople.

This intrigues me with your note about how things are during the end of TTL's John V's reign. Will he become an Emperor largely well liked by his European neighbors? Possibly control (have great influence) land through marriage alliances with his children? Hopefully the Palaiologoi don't face an end similar to OTL Plantagenets.

Keep up the good work 👍👍👍
Well-liked in degrees; the Romans aren't going to get on with the French for the foreseeable future, for example, but England (and, perhaps, Britain) will have a close relationship with the Romans (much like OTL). As for what happens to the Palaiologi in that regard? We'll have to see, but rarely does a dynasty last forever (unless you're Japan, lol)
As for the Black Death? You'll see how the POD, and what's happened thereafter, is going to affect how it troubles the Empire--and especially Genoa
Random thought, but imagine all the movies the British/English are going to make TTL with the Roman Empire still around 🤣🤣🤣. Just think of OTL famous actors being involved in films handling the Crusades being filmed on location.
Now you've put that image in my head 🤣


Either way; glad you've enjoyed reading this far!
 
but England (and, perhaps, Britain) will have a close relationship with the Romans (much like OTL).
We better have an English Empress (most likely named Anne/Isabella/Margaret/Elizabeth/etc.) that becomes as well known as Eleanor of Aquitaine or Queen Elizabeth I 😤😤🤣🤣
 
We better have an English Empress (most likely named Anne/Isabella/Margaret/Elizabeth/etc.) that becomes as well known as Eleanor of Aquitaine or Queen Elizabeth I 😤😤🤣🤣
I feel like that's a given 🤣
Which actors would play the Komnenos Emperors? 🤔🤔
Oscar Isaac for Alexios I, Aidan Turner for John II and Dan Stevens for Manuel I--just off the top of my head, lol.

Bonus, Henry Cavill as John I Tzimiskes.
 
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OHHHH MY GOD!?!?!

WE ARE BACK BABY!!!!

With that said I have to express how glad this TL is back. It was one of the first I ever read on the Forum and got me into late Byzantine history, which I have had the pleasure of playing in during a Nation game set in the 1350s as Nikephoros II Orsini. (The empire as fallen to the Serbs and some Turks occupy Constantinople but I’ve gotten Dusan to have his son adopt Andronikos IV as his heir by joining him. Things be wack)

With that game I’ve gotten a lot of knowledge about the period and i honestly think that John’s more Latin view of things could be quite helpful for the empire, as when compared to the Knights and men at arms of Europe the Byzantine thematic soldiers. And that’s mostly because of a few different factors, as they are full time soldiers who have much more time to train and their equipment is generally better. If I’m not mistaken then this is a major reason for why the empire came to rely on foreign mercenaries, as their own homegrown armies just weren’t up to task.

Dusan’s and Serbia’s transformation into a more western based army and forces is one of the biggest factors for why it was so successful, especially their cavalry, which they did by adopting it from Italian and German mercenaries (the latter of which were made into a special unit of about 300 German knights named the Alemannic Guard) . So while the empire is certainly in a better position I do think it will have to rethink its military structure in the near future.

That does lead into my last point though, which is essentially this; allow the Byzantines to lose. And by that I mean don’t force the empire to always win or for its enemies to be incompetent. Because as the saying goes “a hero is only as good as his villains” and it would be a disservice towards Andronikos for him to face some real good opponents because it makes the victories so much sweeter. That’s a major reason for why o don’t like wanks, as I just don’t feel that they give stories the same quality that hard fought battles have.

…with that rant done I do want to state this. I’m so glad that this is back, and I really hope you are doing good. And if you ever want some simple battle maps then I’m currently working on improving my skills on editing stuff, so I’d be willing to make some stuff for the future if you are interested. Either way, good luck with the TL. It’s great to have you back.
 
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That does lead into my last point though, which is essentially this; allow the Byzantines to lose. And by that I mean don’t force the empire to always win or for its enemies to be incompetent. Because as the saying goes “a hero is only as good as his villains” and it would be a disservice towards Andronikos for him to face some real good opponents because it makes the victories so much sweeter. That’s a major reason for why o don’t like wanks, as I just don’t feel that they give stories the same quality that hard fought battles have.
Especially as the Timurids, assuming Tamerlane and his rise wasn’t butterflied away, moving West and handing the Empire serious defeats would be a good way to shake up Rhomania and trigger potential changes that would otherwise not be possible. This would especially IMO be the case with how Timur, in addition to claiming legitimacy from Genghis, saw himself as the Sword of Islam and having him march to “protect” the Turkish beyliks (while vassalizing them) from Romanian aggression would very much be in-character for him.
 
Especially as the Timurids, assuming Tamerlane and his rise wasn’t butterflied away, moving West and handing the Empire serious defeats would be a good way to shake up Rhomania and trigger potential changes that would otherwise not be possible. This would especially IMO be the case with how Timur, in addition to claiming legitimacy from Genghis, saw himself as the Sword of Islam and having him march to “protect” the Turkish beyliks (while vassalizing them) from Romanian aggression would very much be in-character for him.
It would be interesting if Timur was defeated due to a desperate alliance between the Rhomans and Ottomans (IIRC @Averious said the Ottoman Empire will be around as a perpetual rival of sorts), the Rhomans don't like allying with their Turkish enemy to defeat an even greater foe. Modern day Rhomans and Turks ITTL (an especially proud group of people) do not like when people bring it up, only the Brits are allowed to rib them about it 🤣🤣🤣.
 
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