My inner Habsburg fan cries at that, even though I LOVE Barbarossa.Well to start, there’s no interruption of Hohenstaufen rule (OTL 1197 to 1220), quite possibly translating to reduced papal meddling in the Empire (possibly mind you).
My inner Habsburg fan cries at that, even though I LOVE Barbarossa.Well to start, there’s no interruption of Hohenstaufen rule (OTL 1197 to 1220), quite possibly translating to reduced papal meddling in the Empire (possibly mind you).
Frederick living to see his son take control of Sicily (and possibly bypassing Henry VI's entire reign) has some pretty massive implications.Well to start, there’s no interruption of Hohenstaufen rule (OTL 1197 to 1220), quite possibly translating to reduced papal meddling in the Empire (possibly mind you).
Well to start, there’s no interruption of Hohenstaufen rule (OTL 1197 to 1220), quite possibly translating to reduced papal meddling in the Empire (possibly mind you).
My inner Habsburg fan cries at that, even though I LOVE Barbarossa.
Does that lead to a stronger emperor?Well to start, there’s no interruption of Hohenstaufen rule (OTL 1197 to 1220), quite possibly translating to reduced papal meddling in the Empire (possibly mind you).
I wonder what would happen if he survived....yes, that's him
I wonder what would happen if he survived....
That's the impression I'm getting here.Does that lead to a stronger emperor?
I agree, furthermore his survival guarantees a simple transfer of power to his son, Henry VI, who here can be crowned emperor from a better position of strength than Otl, furthermore the Guelph party will be weaker, given that Otto IV does not become emperor, perhaps Frederick manages to convince Richard I to mediate with his nephew ( let's remember that the Welfs are closely related to the Plantagenets at this time ) the situation in Sicily is a quagmire, but considering that Henry, despite the strategy of terror, had managed to regain control control of the kingdom before he dies, it is probable that here he does not really need it, but could adopt a less drastic policy, also because there is a need to allay papal fears ( which with the Hohenstaufen being so strong in appearance are very high ), as well as those of the Lombard league ( which could reform earlier than Otl ), also because I believe that Fred's survival will affect not only Henrich but also his brother Philip, which leaves the dynasty much more consolidated, in the long run this could only be a good thing for the government of the empire by the future Frederick II, who could have in his hands a less ramshackle HRE from an administrative point of view, he will certainly have considerable opposition, but nothing too different from Otl
By this point the Habsburgs were the southern counterpart to the Württembergs in the northern Swabian lands, gaining more will be tricky. The Hohenstaufen/Staufer wouldn't want the Premyslids to gain the duchies of Austria, Styria and Carinthia and the margraviate of Carniola either. OTOH IIRC one of the disinherited sons of Frederick II had sons with a Babenberg heiress, so these grandsons might be the first choice for Austria & Styria. Not sure Carinthia & Carniola is worth, or that they should wait until the Brandenburg Ascanians go extinct and an electorate becomes available (albeit the poorest of them all).it may be that the Habsburgs end up working closely with Frederick II, becoming together with his family, his cornerstones for governing Germany, when he cannot / wants to go there in person, also because he would have too much else to worry about
Couple of thoughts -- (1) how does strengthening the hand of the Holy Roman Emperor (and the Hofenhausen specifically) overall affect the power of the papacy overall?I dont see any reason to change the course of the development of the papacy from a successful crusade, they were promoted by the papacy after all, and those centralization efforts started before the crusades and continued long after the last major crusade. If anything, it would tend to strengthen the papacy, seeing as even the emperor has joined in the popes efforts and look! great success comes from following the pope. It might change the course of any follow up crusades, might incline more to follow the inland route, which in OTL was practically abandoned following Freds death.
Earlier in the thread, we actually had a pretty contentious debate about whether it's even plausible for Barbarossa to lay siege to Homs before the arrival of Richard and Philip, much less take Damascus; for what it's worth, I can see Damascus falling eventually (and maybe, maybe in this same crusade) TTL, but at the very least, I'm pretty sure the Crusaders are going to want to take Jerusalem (and probably Homs) first.Lots of thoughts. Guesses
1 Barbarossa takes Damascus on way to Jerusalem. Lots of profits. His success in the field vs the seljuks showed the discipline of his forces
2 upon Richard's arrival I believe he would take the additional time after a quicker conquest of Jerusalem and take a very weak Egypt.
I've seen a few estimated dates here, but it does seem that the Fatimids were particularly tolerant, and that it wasn't really until the Ayubbids and Mamluks that Egypt's muslim majority became solid.4 crusader states much stronger with Egypt on board (still dominantly Christian at this time)
Outside the prospect of looting Egypt, I can definitely see the Holy Roman and Angevin Emperors being in a stronger position TTL.7 henery vI comes back with his father or not. If with barbarossa then the glory of the crusade allows for a hereditary hre. Which butterfly's most of the later hre issues. If not he will still be a hero and most likely create a headline.
8 richard if he lives longer will take the captured resources of Egypt and make life miserable for France.
Side note -- but a lot of what makes Frederick II such a fascinating historical figure to modern audiences (his unorthodox skepticism and religious pragmatism) can be traced pretty directly to his upbringing and personal rule in Sicily; to my mind, at least, taking Sicily away from the Hofenstaufens would only make the prospect of their greater success less interesting.Inheriting Sicily was arguably pretty bad for the Hohenstaufens' chances of establishing a hereditary German monarchy, as it made sure they were in a constant standoff with the Papacy.
The Popes seemed to be more at ease with separate branches of the Hohenstaufens ruling Germany and Sicily, so it may be best to split them up once Frederick II dies.Side note -- but a lot of what makes Frederick II such a fascinating historical figure to modern audiences (his unorthodox skepticism and religious pragmatism) can be traced pretty directly to his upbringing and personal rule in Sicily; to my mind, at least, taking Sicily away from the Hofenstaufens would only make the prospect of their greater success less interesting.
furthermore, in the event of a successful crusade, I do not exclude that Frederick and his royal colleagues want to make a thanksgiving pilgrimage to Rome itself, to bring before the Pope, those who saved Christianity, in what is the medieval equivalent of a triumph, after all Federico did it several times after his victories against the Lombard league, and his nephew was also a true master in this, transforming these ceremonies into moments of glorification of his government/power and tracing its meaning of being directly connected to the classical Roman Emperors, his direct predecessors
By the end of the 10th century. Richard Bulliet's "conversion curve" shows a relatively low rate of conversion of non-Arab subjects during the Arab centric Umayyad period of 10%, in contrast with estimates for the more politically multicultural Abbasid period which saw the Muslim population grow from approx. 40% in the mid-9th century to close to 100% by the end of the 11th century.[21] This theory does not explain the continuing existence of large minorities of Christians in the Abbasid Period. Other estimates suggest that Muslims were not a majority in Egypt until the mid-10th century and in the Fertile Crescent until 1100. Syria may have had a Christian majority within its modern borders until the Mongol Invasions of the 13th century. From Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spread_of_Islam. There's more there but the part I quoted was drawn from Tobin Siebers, "Religion and the Authority of the Past", University of Michigan Press, November 1, 1993 (ISBN 0-472-08259-0). There is more references there for deeper reading that are non-wiki.
Hope this helps.
I don't really understand this theory as it would seem to mean that some people converted back to Christianity later on, despite having no political or economic incentive to do so. It seems more logical that the Christian population would have remained a significant minority the entire time.
My understanding is that the early Muslims did not really care about conversions and were more interested in conquests of land. If this is the case why would you convert? If whoever is in charge changes hands and they do not care who you think is the divine being and pretty much leave you alone as long as you pay your taxes why convert?
The thing about this study is that it was based on urban trends that obviously would be greatly diminished outside cities, so you can take off some 20-30% of this 100%. As example, by the time of the crusades, christians probably were between 40-50% of the population in Palestine, but after the downfall of the crusader states there were many reprisals against the christians (frankish and native alike) due to them being regarded as fifth columnists.
In Mesopotamia and Syria proper during the same time, christians were probably 30-40% of the population, nestorians were particularly influent in Mesopotamia and Persia (from there they converted a lot of turco-mongol tribes into christianity), in the latter probably being 15-25% (not because muslim presence was greater than in Mesopotamia, and yes because the christians divided minority status with the zoroastrians), they were fairly prosperous until the Mongol Invasions, which resulted in a lot of destruction of their infraestructure and the resulting conversion of the mongols to Islam checked them heavily, the final blow to really restrict them was Timur, who ended up nearly wiping the christians out of Persia for good and IINM tried to get rid of the assyrians as well (but the fact that they were much more densely concentrated avoided their destruction).
In Egypt the copts were in fact the most enduring christian majority in the muslim Middle East (with Mesopotamia already being majority muslim by the late 9th Century and Syria/Persia by roughly the Mid-10th Century), mostly because of their frequent (and quite unusual) resistance to being overly taxed, resulting in frequent revolts during the Umayyad-Abbasid periods that solidified somewhat their unity, the muslim population of Egypt just boomed after the end of abbasid caliphal rule and the takeover of the Tulunid, and, later, Fatimid dynasties, during the latter the muslims became majority in Egypt, although the copts remained 40-50% of the population until the Mamluks started their pro-conversion policies in order to unify their domains.
Egypt being 50% Coptic until the Mamlukes is highly unlikely, we didn't have any Coptic rebellion after 850 CE and it's likely that by 900-1000 Copts became minority and by 1350 Copts were already around 10-20% of the population. They would have been more prominent in Upper Egypt though.
Given that Coptic died as a spoken language by 1200, this is also in line with such evidence, if Copts were still 40-50% in 1200 how could Coptic have died?
CONSOLIDATE: This actually has some pretty profound implications -- remember, Persia and Mesopotamia fall to the Mongols in the 13th Century OTL, and are thus already likely to remain subject to non-muslim rule for at least several decades TTL as well. That means it just might be conceivable that, by 1300 TTL, Islam doesn't really control any part of of *MENA*, and that their two largest empires, Mali and Delhi, both* have very overwhelming "pagan" majorities. This could potentially have a profound impact on the evolution and potential-growth of Islam going forward.I exaggerated a bit in it being "40-50%" coptic by the mamlukes, but i'm certain that they weren't drastically behind this either. As i said in my previous post, the islamization of Egypt really got going after the end of abbasid caliphal rule (the Tulunids rose to power in 868, so you're not far off), but i think it's probable that they lasted as a majority 'til the 11th Century (as you said, 900-1000, again not that far off) with most conversions occuring under Fatimid rule, but again as you said, they probably lasted as a majority longer in Upper Egypt after that.
About Coptic dying as a spoken language, it's mostly because in Egypt, arabization occurred faster than islamization, since the region received intensive migration from arab tribes (so much that the Hilalian migrations, that ended up resulting in the arabization of North Africa, came from egyptian bedouin tribes), such that under Pope Gabriel II, the copts accepted arabic as a liturgical language, what obviously didn't help the language to maintain itself. By 1200 you most likely had around 30-35% of the population being coptic (IMO this complies with your statement for them being 150 years later 10-20% of the population), a minority but, especially in Upper Egypt, a loud one, even if they were mostly accultured with the muslim overlords due to arabization.