Maximilian gets another brilliant victory but sadly Leopold's politics come into play to once again alienate him in some way, combine that with what happened in Transylvania and we'll probably see some sort of hostile situation developing here.
Zimmermann died in the midst of his torture and his son had to pay a heavy bribe just to have his father’s body turned over for burial
So Zimmermann had Radvanszky's fate ? Radvanszky was still executed ?Gyorgy Radvanszky and Sigismund von Zimmermann, fared far worse
Max Emanuel countermanded the Emperor's orders. Then, he didn't follow up on his victory at Nis despite the view of his underlings. While we know it was the best course of action, his enemies will point out to the Emperor that if he had followed through, the ottoman position in the Balkans could have collapsed.Maximilian gets another brilliant victory but sadly Leopold's politics come into play to once again alienate him in some way, combine that with what happened in Transylvania and we'll probably see some sort of hostile situation developing here.
Indeed, if you stop to think about it, Austria/HRE is in a pretty dire situation at the moment, especially as France only gets more and more powerful as they bring in more reservists to bring their numerical superiority to the table, it's a matter of time before France can secure the Rhine and use it to both invade the Netherlands as well as invading the HRE proper. Of course this all assuming Spain won't join in and that things continue to go as well as they are in Scotland for James, for now France are in a lucky wave that may not last forever and they need a big breakthrough in order to really feel safe in the case of Spain entering the war or Britain fully falling to William.Max Emanuel countermanded the Emperor's orders. Then, he didn't follow up on his victory at Nis despite the view of his underlings. While we know it was the best course of action, his enemies will point out to the Emperor that if he had followed through, the ottoman position in the Balkans could have collapsed.
Come 1690, Leopold would be in a much more dire position along the Rhine. Even if the Spanish enter the war in 1690, it won't be from the very beginning of the year and when the Allies are drawing their plans in the 1689/90 winter, they won't take into account the Spanish Army in their calculations. Without Spain there is no chance to have an Italian Front. There goes the Spanish Army of Milan that had a nominal strength of at least 13,000 infantry, although in OTL 1690 around 10,000 were sent to Piedmont. Without the Spanish, Victor Amadeus is out of the picture as well, along with his (1690) 7,250 infantry and 1,420 cavalry (source: War Diplomacy and the Rise of Savoy). So, more than 18,000 men are out of the Allied OOB in Italy that would tie down a whole french army. Now Louis needs only to just keep a strong garrison at Pinerolo and Casale. It is also quite possible that his bullying against Victor Amadeus might actually work.
At the same time, the french army covering Catalonia could be expected to be quite small. Villahermosa's 4,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry are out of the picture.
Now the main OTL theater, that of the Spanish Netherlands. According to the "Spanish Armies in the War of the League of Augsburg" Gastañaga in 1690 had 14,923 infantry and 5,991 cavalry and dragoons. Liege provided another 8,000 men and the British had sent a bit more than 6,000 men (of nominal strength of 10,000). That's 35,000 fewer men in the Allied OOB.
The Allies start 1690 with 59,000 fewer men than in OTL.
The Emperor cannot afford to keep any significant army in the Balkans. The French have numerical superiority, hold Mainz and Bonn, threaten Koblenz and could recover Cologne. He will have to strip Max Emanuel of his army and basically give up most of the Max Emanuel's conquests.
Really hoping the best for max, don't want all his efforts be for nothingIndeed, if you stop to think about it, Austria/HRE is in a pretty dire situation at the moment, especially as France only gets more and more powerful as they bring in more reservists to bring their numerical superiority to the table, it's a matter of time before France can secure the Rhine and use it to both invade the Netherlands as well as invading the HRE proper. Of course this all assuming Spain won't join in and that things continue to go as well as they are in Scotland for James, for now France are in a lucky wave that may not last forever and they need a big breakthrough in order to really feel safe in the case of Spain entering the war or Britain fully falling to William.
Ball is on Leopold's court now, either way his decisions will have massive shockwaves for the course of the war and his empire.Really hoping the best for max, don't want all his efforts be for nothing
for the better hopefullyBall is on Leopold's court now, either way his decisions will have massive shockwaves for the course of the war and his empire.
I personally hope he fumbles it because I'm France's strongest soldier and want them to win the war.for the better hopefully
Full support for LeoI personally hope he fumbles it because I'm France's strongest soldier and want them to win the war.
[3] Max Emanuel a strategist showed less willingness to embark on grand and elaborate schemes than Ludwig Wilhelm did. He does not see the capture of Sofia as possible and he does not see the capture of Skopje as necessary. Max Emanuel is willing to play out his campaign slowly and more diligently than Ludwig Wilhelm. Max Emanuel is also less prone to accepting the arguments of Veterani and other subordinates. Although these officers have a well of experience, Max Emanuel is an elector and he feels the weight of his authority. He knows he does not have to listen to these men if he does not wish to.
The problem with that is Leopold actually very much wanting to crush any sort of Transylvaniann independence from Vienna and him giving honors to Caraffa is proof that he's not only approving but also very satisfied with the results and maybe even the methods, the dude has won big in the east and he sees no reason to ever cede ground to what he sees as unreliable nobility. Although I think that's the intention of the author where the Austrians are riding high on victory in the east but events in the West as well as their own actions towards the now embittered Transylvanians will reverse them in some way.as well as Leopold soft-pedalling his implementation of the direct Austrian rule of Hungary and the Balkans so as to grow imperial loyalty and not cause a revolt as soon as his back is turned.
While it's true that the emperor would like to withdraw the army from the balkans, Max’s more limited campaign probably preserved enough troops and took a limited enough area that it can be appropriately guarded and garrisoned even if the field army is withdrawn. Of course garrisons without reinforcements are just a delay vs an ottoman field army, but it should give some more time before the area can be retaken, especially as the ottomans appear too sclerotic to send an army at the moment.The Emperor cannot afford to keep any significant army in the Balkans. The French have numerical superiority, hold Mainz and Bonn, threaten Koblenz and could recover Cologne. He will have to strip Max Emanuel of his army and basically give up most of the Max Emanuel's conquests.
While it's true that the emperor would like to withdraw the army from the balkans, Max’s more limited campaign probably preserved enough troops and took a limited enough area that it can be appropriately guarded and garrisoned even if the field army is withdrawn. Of course garrisons without reinforcements are just a delay vs an ottoman field army, but it should give some more time before the area can be retaken, especially as the ottomans appear too sclerotic to send an army at the moment.
All of this when France will be having more men to spare and are in a prime position to concentrate their forces into the Rhine and threaten the HRE itself as well as the Netherlands which worsens the British situation as the Dutch would essentially leave William at his own(at best) or demand him and everything Dutch he brought to return ASAP to defend them, all the while the Spanish will be busy with Catalonia and are very much not entering the war.I am under the impression that the problem will be wider. If the book "German Armies: War and German Society, 1648-1806" is to be believed, after the beginning of the Nine Years War, the Imperial Army in the east was reduced to 24,000 men. The vast majority of them are needed at the Rhine. Would Max Emanuel stay in the east, if he is to command a tiny army, perhaps just slightly larger than his own 8,000 Bavarians? Then even with more limited offensives, the Imperials need to garrison a lot of fortresses in Serbia and Bosnia. If they try to hold everything south of Belgrade, they risk defeat in detail.
But here is why the problem is deeper. Max Emanuel won't stay east. At the same time, he was a worse relationship with Leopold compared to OTL. I very much doubt that the Emperor will make him commander of all imperial forces in the french front, especially since Max making his own policy in the last campaign. Leopold needs Ludwig Wilhelm in the west. So here is the problem: Caraffa becomes the most probable choice for command in the east. After all, he was a good enforcer of imperial will in the past, in contrast to Max Emanuel and even Charles. Caraffa in command is a recipe for disaster. Imre Thököly will return next year, with an ottoman army on his back. In OTL he defeated the Imperials at Zernest and was elected Prince of Transylvania. Eventually he was forced to abandon Transylvania by Ludwig Wilhelm. Thököly will receive a lot more support from Transylvania, Upper Hungary (his wife has not given up yet) and most likely former-ottoman Hungary as well. Instead of the OTL nuisance, Leopold may face a popular revolt as big as Rákóczi's.
Thank you for giving some more historical context, as I'm not extremely familiar with this time period. In general I do agree with you conclusion - Leopold can't afford an army in the east, and will recall the troops. Max will not stay there to be a glorified Castellan and he is smart enough to know that his own 8000 bavarians are not enough to seriously oppose an ottoman attack, so he will have to return to the empire.I am under the impression that the problem will be wider. If the book "German Armies: War and German Society, 1648-1806" is to be believed, after the beginning of the Nine Years War, the Imperial Army in the east was reduced to 24,000 men. The vast majority of them are needed at the Rhine. Would Max Emanuel stay in the east, if he is to command a tiny army, perhaps just slightly larger than his own 8,000 Bavarians? Then even with more limited offensives, the Imperials need to garrison a lot of fortresses in Serbia and Bosnia. If they try to hold everything south of Belgrade, they risk defeat in detail.
But here is why the problem is deeper. Max Emanuel won't stay east. At the same time, he has a worse relationship with Leopold compared to OTL. I very much doubt that the Emperor will make him commander of all imperial forces in the french front, especially since Max was making his own policy in the last campaign. Leopold needs Ludwig Wilhelm in the west. So here is the problem: Caraffa becomes the most probable choice for command in the east. After all, he was a good enforcer of imperial will in the past, in contrast to Max Emanuel and even Charles. Caraffa in command is a recipe for disaster. Imre Thököly will return next year, with an ottoman army on his back. In OTL he defeated the Imperials at Zernest and was elected Prince of Transylvania. Eventually he was forced to abandon Transylvania by Ludwig Wilhelm. Thököly will receive a lot more support from Transylvania, Upper Hungary (his wife has not given up yet) and most likely former-ottoman Hungary as well. Instead of the OTL nuisance, Leopold may face a popular revolt as big as Rákóczi's.
One would hopeLeopold better reward him!
The question is whether the Imperials can hold on these territories. Right now the Ottomans are a year and half removed from the collapse of their central government. In 1690, they'll be two and half years removed and if the the Ottomans have proved anything, it's their resiliency. Even if they have kept on losing, they have maintained the ability to continue to lose. Others would have just completely lost by this point, but the Ottomans have bounced back again and again. By 1690, they should have been given enough time to bounce back properly and bring up enough forces from the east to pose a serious threat to Max. Whether Max can hold on or not is in definite question.truly fantastic chapter, is that it opens up important future scenarios for the continuation of the conflict and the development of the Balkans, the first obviously being that with the war front moved deeper than in Otl, we will see southern Hungary less devastated and in a bit more ethnically homogeneous, it is unlikely to revolt to demand the suppression of the military border given that in this TL it is currently located in Bosnia and central Serbia, so if Leopold plays his cards well, particularly regarding the tax burden and the introduction of the Counter-Reformation ( which should be gradually favored, but more calmly than Otl ) could avoid or mitigated the rebellion of 1703 - 1711, just as we will witness an exodus of Muslims towards the rest of the territories of the Sublime Porte, considered safer ( and if we consider that Hungary alone hosted 80 thousand in Otl, a to which must be added those present in Serbia and above all Bosnia, it means that we will see a significant influx into Macedonia and southern Bulgaria which could change the local demography in favor of the Turks in the long term ), finally there is the entire issue of Bosnia, which allows to have a direct border with Venetian Dalmatia, so as to favor a logistical alternative for the arrival of supplies, as well as making cooperation with the Serenissima easier ( which could thus move its human resources currently used to defend the region, in Morea to open a new front against Constantinople )
Leopold's suspicious allude to everyone. No one is removed from them. For now, he can't take any serious action against Max, realistically. He can rail against Max all he wants, but he can't punish him meaningfully for any transgression. If Leopold and Max definitively break then the east is lost.With Leopold's suspicious nature being referenced in this chapter quite a bit, im betting hes gonna act against Max when he can.
Leopold's politics haven't come into play quite yet. Leopold's reactions to the east will form part of a later chapter. Honestly, the next chapter has gotten too long and I'm trying to figure out to split it. But I imagine that Leopold's reactions to both west and east probably make more sense in the same chapter rather than holding on to Leopold's reactions and putting them as the introduction to the next fully eastern chapter. So you'll most likely see Leopold's reactions in one of the next two chapters.Maximilian gets another brilliant victory but sadly Leopold's politics come into play to once again alienate him in some way, combine that with what happened in Transylvania and we'll probably see some sort of hostile situation developing here.
The listedd Eperjes nobility are all dead yes.So Zimmermann had Radvanszky's fate ? Radvanszky was still executed ?
Max Emanuel countermanded the Emperor's orders. Then, he didn't follow up on his victory at Nis despite the view of his underlings. While we know it was the best course of action, his enemies will point out to the Emperor that if he had followed through, the ottoman position in the Balkans could have collapsed.
Come 1690, Leopold would be in a much more dire position along the Rhine. Even if the Spanish enter the war in 1690, it won't be from the very beginning of the year and when the Allies are drawing their plans in the 1689/90 winter, they won't take into account the Spanish Army in their calculations. Without Spain there is no chance to have an Italian Front. There goes the Spanish Army of Milan that had a nominal strength of at least 13,000 infantry, although in OTL 1690 around 10,000 were sent to Piedmont. Without the Spanish, Victor Amadeus is out of the picture as well, along with his (1690) 7,250 infantry and 1,420 cavalry (source: War Diplomacy and the Rise of Savoy). So, more than 18,000 men are out of the Allied OOB in Italy that would tie down a whole french army. Now Louis needs only to just keep a strong garrison at Pinerolo and Casale. It is also quite possible that his bullying against Victor Amadeus might actually work.
At the same time, the french army covering Catalonia could be expected to be quite small. Villahermosa's 4,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry are out of the picture.
Now the main OTL theater, that of the Spanish Netherlands. According to the "Spanish Armies in the War of the League of Augsburg" Gastañaga in 1690 had 14,923 infantry and 5,991 cavalry and dragoons. Liege provided another 8,000 men and the British had sent a bit more than 6,000 men (of nominal strength of 10,000). That's 35,000 fewer men in the Allied OOB.
The Allies start 1690 with 59,000 fewer men than in OTL.
The Emperor cannot afford to keep any significant army in the Balkans. The French have numerical superiority, hold Mainz and Bonn, threaten Koblenz and could recover Cologne. He will have to strip Max Emanuel of his army and basically give up most of the Max Emanuel's conquests.
Currently, on its own, Munkacs isn't a threat because there's no allied army around them. But your exactly right, if Thokoly comes back, Munkacs is a great headquarters to go back into Slovakia. But even bigger, his family is free. He's under no restrictions from going all out. I think part of what you're seeing with Max ignoring Munkacs is him playing nice with the enemy and keeping lines of communication open. In OTL during the lead up to Blenheim he still had regular communications with Ludwig of Baden on both a personal and geopolitical level. Max undervaluing Munkacs is definitely part of the same thought process. Right now Munkacs isn't a threat, Timisoara certainly is, but with Transylvania and Belgrade you seem to have contained Timisoara. And by keeping Munkas alive, Max can talk to Thokoly's wife and then to Thokoly if he has any need to. But if Transylvania falls or Wallachia turns then Max has practically set up Thokoly to run through eastern Hungary.Great update as always. And this is exactly the strategy the Austrians need to be successful now that they have to divert resources to the west. Slow and steady wins the race. Though I do worry about Munkacs holding out, if Thokoly can somehow swing around and invade north east Hungary and relieve the siege that would pose serious danger to the Austrians.
Out of Caraffa, Caprara, and Veterani, Caraffa is probably the best of the three. Caprara is far too militantly stubborn and I wouldn't trust Veterani to know when to fall back. Which makes all the more interesting that Caraffa is most "vile" as you put it. It's very human I guess for them all to be flawed.I personally am hoping for an Allied victory in Germany and a Williamite defeat in Britain, as well as Leopold soft-pedalling his implementation of the direct Austrian rule of Hungary and the Balkans so as to grow imperial loyalty and not cause a revolt as soon as his back is turned. Also, Caraffa cannot die soon enough, what a vile man, though decent general.
"End" is not a word that'll apply for some time. But we'll return there in 3 or 4 chapters (looking at the outline). I think the outline is currently Ireland then England then Scotland. We might drag in the British Isles because some of those chapters are half outside of the Isles and half on. Like half in France and half in the Isles or half in [that would be a spoiler] and half in the Isles. I might move up the half French chapter now that I think about it. It might make more sense timing wise.@Archduke when are we going to see how things end on the British Isles?
I am under the impression that the problem will be wider. If the book "German Armies: War and German Society, 1648-1806" is to be believed, after the beginning of the Nine Years War, the Imperial Army in the east was reduced to 24,000 men. The vast majority of them are needed at the Rhine. Would Max Emanuel stay in the east, if he is to command a tiny army, perhaps just slightly larger than his own 8,000 Bavarians? Then even with more limited offensives, the Imperials need to garrison a lot of fortresses in Serbia and Bosnia. If they try to hold everything south of Belgrade, they risk defeat in detail.
But here is why the problem is deeper. Max Emanuel won't stay east. At the same time, he has a worse relationship with Leopold compared to OTL. I very much doubt that the Emperor will make him commander of all imperial forces in the french front, especially since Max was making his own policy in the last campaign. Leopold needs Ludwig Wilhelm in the west. So here is the problem: Caraffa becomes the most probable choice for command in the east. After all, he was a good enforcer of imperial will in the past, in contrast to Max Emanuel and even Charles. Caraffa in command is a recipe for disaster. Imre Thököly will return next year, with an ottoman army on his back. In OTL he defeated the Imperials at Zernest and was elected Prince of Transylvania. Eventually he was forced to abandon Transylvania by Ludwig Wilhelm. Thököly will receive a lot more support from Transylvania, Upper Hungary (his wife has not given up yet) and most likely former-ottoman Hungary as well. Instead of the OTL nuisance, Leopold may face a popular revolt as big as Rákóczi's.
Thank you for giving some more historical context, as I'm not extremely familiar with this time period. In general I do agree with you conclusion - Leopold can't afford an army in the east, and will recall the troops. Max will not stay there to be a glorified Castellan and he is smart enough to know that his own 8000 bavarians are not enough to seriously oppose an ottoman attack, so he will have to return to the empire.
The question is what happens next. Leopold has little interest of giving him any authority, but he will desperately need Max's experienced and relatively large army to hold the Rhine against an overwhelming French force. How that plays out is anyone's guess.
Your comments about Hungary are also quite interesting- Leopold seems intent on stomping down on the Hungarians but with the French breathing down his neck he will lack the resources to do so, likely provoking a revolt. Max would be the perfect choice to put it down, but Leopold will probably do the opposite, exacerbating the situation. It's a hard situation, and I'm not sure how the Empire gets out of it. They desperately need full Spanish, British, and Dutch support. However with the revolt in Catalonia and the the civil war in Great Britain the prospects of both are unlikely in the short term. Great Britain is probably out of it in the medium term as well, as the civil war there seems to be quite dire for William (unless James completely messed up again which is always possible). The Dutch are also trapped in an awkward situation due to William's ambition. Really the French are going to be laughing all the way home to the bank.
You could also say it is because of William's overweening pride and treacherous attack on his own father-in-law, who he was allied with.But overall, yeah the allies are in such an incredibly awkward position because of Spain's recalcitrant attachment to James II, great uncle of Prince Luis Carlos of Asturias.
Let's say that in 1690 Dundee and the Highlanders are crushed. Boyne goes according to OTL and James flees. The Irish retreat behind the Shannon and are finished in 1691. In the "Country Divided? English Politics and the Nine Years War", there was no unanimity in England after the Glorious Revolution. From one side there were the supporters of William that wanted an active commitment in the Continent and there were the navalists who promoted a naval strategy that emphasized trade war and home defence. Such politicians were Halifax, Thomas Clarges, Edward Seymour, William Garroway, Christopher Musgrave among others.They desperately need full Spanish, British, and Dutch support.
That's a very accurate assessment. Somehow it reminds me of Emperor Joseph during the WoSS. He would prioritize Italy over the main front in the Spanish Netherlands, because he wanted to gain Milan and Naples. Dynastic interests prevailed. When it comes to resource allocation in the WoSS I have a very nice graph taken from " The Impact of the Rákóczi Rebellion on Habsburg Strategy: Incentives and Opportunity Costs" by Lothar Höbelt:The thing about the east vs west, is that Leopold doesn't have much to personally win out west. In the east he has plenty to win and plenty he wants to win. Certainly, Leopold felt an obligation to try to contend France and he still does. But the current restrictions on the Grand Alliance might end up damning Germany more than the east. Or Leopold might try to thread the needle and damn both.